Author Pradeep Damodaran travelled to many cities and towns associated with the freedom movement. He wanted to get a feel of whether the history still resonates. He also focused on the daily life of the people.
By
Shevlin Sebastian
In
February 2022, author Pradeep Damodaran visited the Sabarmati Ashram in
Ahmedabad. Expectedly, there were plenty of visitors, ranging from the young to
the old. Pradeep checked out Hriday Kunj, the home of Mahatma Gandhi and
Kasturba, between 1918 and 1930. He also walked through the museums and photo
galleries.
When
Pradeep perused the visitor’s book, he got a surprise.
One
visitor wrote that Gandhi would rot in hell for what he did to all Indians.
‘Even after 75 years of Independence, still we are crying, dying because of
you, Mr. Gandhi. I realised why BABASAHEB B.R. AMBEDKAR did not call you
Mahatma. Because of you, more than one crore people died during partition. Only
soldiers dead in Kashmir as of today’s count is 90,000!’ Pradeep added in
brackets: ‘No idea how he arrived at this figure.’
When
he pointed this out to Atul Pandya, director of the Sabarmati Ashram
Preservation and Memorial Trust, he said that this freedom to criticise Gandhi
was exactly what the man had fought for. ‘Let them try to openly criticise
today’s leaders and see if they can get away with that,’ said Atul
Pradeep
went to Juhapura, the Muslim ghetto in Ahmedabad and the Gulbarg Society in
Chamanpura.
This
is how he described what he saw at the Gulbarg Society where 69 people,
including women and children, were hacked to death by rioters in 2002: ‘An
eerie silence engulfed us. The entire gated community was desolate and
lifeless… At the entrance, to my right, were sprawling two-storey homes with
spacious balconies, porticos with round pillars and tiled flooring completely
blanketed by dust, soot and scars of burnt human flesh and blood. Doors and
windows had been ripped off, probably stolen by anti-socials. Fans and
furniture in areas not destroyed by the fire were also missing. Spacious living
rooms and bedrooms were bereft of furniture; burnt clothes and glass pieces lay
scattered upon piles of other debris, mostly burnt
wood.’
He
met Rafiq Qasim Mansoori, who was wearing sunglasses. Asked whether he had been
present during the massacre, Rafiq took off his sunglasses. His right eye
looked completely smashed. ‘A stone hit me in the eye,’ he said, by way of
explanation about what happened to him during the attack. ‘I lost nineteen
family members that day and that included my wife and infant son.’
In
Godhra, Pradeep dwells on the long history of communalism in the town, which
was a revelation. Muslims in Godhra belonged to the Ghanchis branch. They were
mostly poor and uneducated.
During
Partition, many Sindhis, belonging to the Bhaiband sect, migrated from Karachi
and settled near Godhra. They had experienced horrendous suffering at the hands
of the Muslims in 1947. That memory remained strong. The Hindu communalists
took advantage of this resentment.
The
first large-scale communal riot took place in 1948 between the Sindhis and the
Ghanchis. The Sindhis burned down over 3500 properties belonging to the
Ghanchis. They had to flee. The Sindhis took over the lands. ‘Even at that
time, arson was the top choice for rioters in this region,’ wrote Pradeep. The
riots between the two communities have continued intermittently over the
decades.
At
one time, Pradeep went to interview Maulana Iqbal Hussain Bokda, the principal
of the Polan Bazar Urdu School. When the Maulana spoke about the social
isolation and economic backwardness of Muslims, Pradeep asked whether the
Maulana had regretted not emigrating to Pakistan.
A
disturbed Bokda led Pradeep down a corridor and pointed, through a window, at
the tricolour flying high outside. ‘You see that tiranga? Since 2005, the flag
has been hoisted every day at 7 a.m. and is brought down at 5 p.m.,’ said
Bokda. ‘You tell me if you can find this anywhere in India. The tiranga is
hoisted every single day! If one person cannot do it, someone else does. You
know why? It is because we are Indians and we believe in this country.’
All
these stories are recounted in the book, ‘In Pursuit of Freedom — Travels
Across Patriotic Lands’. Pradeep would go to a particular place, which had some
link with the freedom movement. There, he would describe his encounters with
the local people. Then he would delve into the history of the place, as
connected to the freedom movement.
So,
in Bardoli, he talked about the Bardoli Satyagraha against the British by
farmers against high land taxes in 1928. Its success resonated across India.
The concept of nonviolent resistance became an idea that nobody could resist.
And it led to the independence of India, although it took another two
decades.
In
the first section, Pradeep goes to different places in Gujarat. In Part 2, he
goes to Uttar Pradesh. His first stop is Jhansi. Pradeep wanted to find out
whether the residents still remembered Rani Lakshmibhai.
And
yes, she is very much alive through hoardings, government flex boards and names
of colleges and other institutions. He visited the Jhansi Fort and marvelled at
its construction.
While
in Jhansi, Pradeep had an unusual experience. People would often ask him which
religion he belonged to. They would feel unnerved when Pradeep said he was an
atheist.
He
noted that those who asked this question had ‘never moved out of their native
towns and villages for generations. They had been fed stories about the
grandeur and courage associated with their religion. Merely seventy-five years
of imposed secularism are, perhaps, hardly sufficient to erase over 1000 years
of religious devotion, as I could see first-hand,’ writes
Pradeep.
In
Pala Pahadi village, Pradeep heard a familiar nationwide lament echoed by a villager:
‘What is there to say? Can’t you see for yourself? Everything is rotting here;
nothing has changed in the past seventy-five years. We have no roads, no
drinking water, nor any form of sanitation. Where are the free toilets? Where
are the schemes the government has announced? We have got nothing.’
In
Nandulan Khera, the people had converted over 90 percent of the Swachh Bharat
toilets into storerooms for storing hay and other non-essential stuff. The
problem with the toilets was that the government had not installed a septic
tank. And for the few who built septic tanks, once it got full, no lorries
could come to their village to get it emptied because of a lack of proper
roads. So the people stopped using the toilets and went back to the fields for their
ablutions.
In
Unnao, Pradeep went to the village of Mankhi, 17 kms away. He wanted to meet
the girl, whom ex-BJP MLA Kuldeep Singh Sengar raped on June 4, 2017, to
national outrage. Later, her father died in police custody. Pradeep discovered
that because of the danger to their lives, the family no longer lived in the
village. They had moved to Unnao.
Back
in Unnao, Pradeep met the girl’s mother, Asha Singh, a Congress candidate for
the UP Assembly elections. She detailed the sequence of events that took place.
Asha bemoaned the fact that men continued to rape women, especially of the
lower castes, with impunity. All the publicity associated with her daughter’s
case had changed nothing. The caste system remained powerfully rooted in
people’s minds.
Standing
next to Asha was a young woman who looked confident and sophisticated. It was
much later that Pradeep came to know she was the victim. ‘She was definitely
smart; perhaps in a decade or so, she would be ready for the polls and Unnao
might then have a serious contender from the fairer sex,’ said
Pradeep.
Some
of the other places Pradeep visited included Chauri Chaura, Champaran, and
Motihari.
In
the third section, Pradeep goes to Punjab, where he focuses on the Ghadar
movement. These were expatriate Indians, mostly Punjabis, who fought to
overturn British rule in India. He also visited Don Parewa (Nainital), Tamluk
(Bengal), Tentuligumma (Odisha), Panchalankurichi and Idinthakarai (Tamil Nadu)
This
is an eye-opening book. It is a history lesson and a picture of modern-day
India. This history, told as truthfully as possible, is important especially
when there is a lot of rewriting and erasure taking place these days. For
example, the National Council of Educational Research and Training has removed
all chapters on the history of the Mughals and of Gandhi’s opposition to Hindu
nationalism.
The
book shows that while progress has been made, in many areas, things have stayed
the same just as they were one hundred years ago. But the people fight on. There
is a deep sense of frustration and anger at the government because of the lack
of jobs for the young and for its failure to provide basic services. In the
end, this book is an insightful addition to help us better understand the India
of today and yesterday.
(A shorter version was published in the Sunday Magazine, The Hindustan Times)
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